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Here’s the news from Iran – Donald Trump is making America lose wars again

Humiliating failure now looms, as symbolically damaging to US global standing and national self-esteem as Afghanistan or Iraq

Donald Trump menaces the world. He’s global public enemy number one. He’s steadily losing the illegal war with Iran he started but cannot stop. His violence-addicted Israeli sidekick, Benjamin Netanyahu, is terrorising Lebanon. And ordinary people everywhere, their security threatened, face a huge economic bill for his reckless folly.

Add Trump’s war-making to his daily debasing of democracy, appeasing of Russia, punitive tariffs, climate crisis denial and flouting of international law, and it’s clear this White House travesty has gone on long enough. Americans must put their house in order and act decisively to restrain someone who endangers us all.

Trump is a man without a plan. He hasn’t the foggiest what to do next in Iran, deluding himself that he is in control of events. The more the US and Israel batter Tehran and other cities, the more defiant is the odious, unvanquished Islamic regime. US regional bases and Gulf Arab partners are sustaining significant damage from retaliatory strikes.

Iran has succeeded in closing (and is now reportedly mining) the strait of Hormuz, which Trump, astonishingly, failed to defend. Rising oil and gas prices are driving a global energy shock that harms international trade, fuels inflation and creates food and medicine shortages. Poorer countries will suffer most. But few will escape the Trump plague. He’s the new Covid.

Netanyahu’s worst instincts have free rein as Trump flounders. Unceasing, disproportionate Israeli air attacks are hitting Iranian homes, utilities, banks, cultural heritage sites and mosques. The attacks are said to be counterproductively rallying nationalist support for the regime.

In Lebanon, it’s the same criminal story: civilians killed, hundreds of thousands of people displaced, destruction, occupation – all supposedly necessary to smash Hezbollah terror. But this is something worse: it’s state terror. Compare it with unchecked Israeli settler depredations in the West Bank. The “greater Israel” project advances on all fronts, olive grove by uprooted olive grove, village by depopulated village.

Taking fright as markets tumbled, Trump half-tried to declare victory last week, but even he couldn’t sustain so big a lie. At least George W Bush had the courage of his (foolish) convictions in Iraq in 2003. Bush knew only a land invasion would achieve his aims. Trump lacks the balls for that. In Iran, he sought swift, painless victory from the air.

What he – and the world – have got instead is, potentially, another forever war. The regime will keep fighting, increasingly by asymmetric means; there can be no popular uprising while this continues. Israel wants to make Iran and Lebanon like Gaza: permanent aerial free-fire zones. And thanks to Trump, the US is pig in the middle.

Trump and his Bible-thumping Pentagon mouthpiece, Pete Hegseth, would prefer to declare “mission accomplished” sooner rather than later. It’s undeniable Iran’s military capabilities have been severely degraded, however this will not end well for Washington.

Humiliating failure looms, prospectively as symbolically damaging to US global standing and national self-esteem as Afghanistan or Iraq. Body bags are coming home. And the war’s financial cost is running at more than $11bn a week. Midterm election voters, watching prices rise, will not easily forgive its careless architect. Donald J Trump: making America lose again.

The central issue of Iran’s suspect nuclear intentions remains unresolved. Its facilities have been “obliterated” not once but twice. Yet it retains a hidden stockpile of highly enriched uranium, plus scientific knowhow that cannot be bombed away. This stockpile might have been peacefully surrendered or diluted, had Trump not torpedoed negotiations.

Some hardliners want to copy North Korea and build nukes to ensure regime survival. To date, Iran has not taken that final step, blocked by a fatwa from the then supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. Now he’s been assassinated, that may quickly change. If Iran does finally go nuclear, it could be Trump’s and Netanyahu’s doing.

The Iranian missile and drone threat is diminished but far from eliminated, as Tehran’s continuing strikes show. Pentagon boasting about “permanently” destroying Iran’s offensive capabilities is plain silly. The US is taking hits, and suffering casualties, at military bases across the Gulf as Iran learns how to exploit defensive vulnerabilities. Tehran is also holding proxy militias in reserve.

Hegseth’s ranting about “barbarians” and “savages” says more about him and his boss than his enemies. It seems the “secretary of war” may have had some traumatic experiences while serving in Iraq and Afghanistan, where many US and UK soldiers were killed by improvised explosive devices (IEDs). In contrast, draft-dodger Trump probably thinks an IED is a contraceptive device.

The coming US defeat is moral and legal, too. Trump’s lying efforts to shift blame for the killing of more than 100 schoolgirls in a US Tomahawk missile strike in Minab on 28 February are utterly contemptible. Deliberate or not, Minab was a war crime for which those responsible must be held accountable.

In this context, it’s significant that Trump went to war without necessary congressional authority, flouts the Geneva conventions and ignores international law. US troops observe no rules of engagement. Ethically challenged Hegseth claims they can do whatever they want, with impunity. No, they cannot.

Trump’s “little excursion” will have big geopolitical consequences. Regime change, which he cruelly promised protesters, is slipping off the US agenda. It was always unrealistic to suppose it could be imposed from above. For his part, Netanyahu still hopes for regime collapse, not least because it may boost his re-election chances. He will want to keep on bombing Iran and Lebanon (and Gaza) when it suits him, regardless of whether Trump proclaims an end to the war.

Allies including Britain are dismayed and alienated by Trump’s arrogant refusal to consult and fatal lack of strategic planning, exemplified by his strait of Hormuz fiasco. He’s irresponsibly escalating the war, saying he is bombing Iran’s Kharg Island oil terminal “just for fun” – which could further drive up global prices. Simultaneously, he’s asking those same allies to get directly involved by sending warships to his rescue in the strait. Unsurprisingly, there are no takers so far. Meanwhile, Russia – “temporarily” released from US oil sanctions to Ukraine’s great detriment – and China are profiting from Trump’s bellicose bungling and disdain for global opinion.

If there is any justice left in the world, Trump’s Republicans will be punished in November’s elections. But that’s the very least that should happen. US and Israeli leaders should face prosecution for war crimes and crimes against humanity in national and international courts. Britain and other adversely affected states should demand the US pay compensation. Iran and Lebanon should receive reparations. And Trump should be impeached in Congress for his many gross abuses of power.

People may say this will never happen. But the point is, it should – and must. This is the universal standard to which even the most powerful leaders must be held, or else all is lost. Trump has almost three years left in charge, what else might he do if allowed to rampage on unrestrained?

Failing, flailing Trump poses a clear and present danger to the US and the world. Take him down.

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ALT

How does Trump keep henchmen like Rubio in check? He literally makes them wear shoes that are far too big

The art of the heel: if you want a shot at the US presidency, you better be ready to sartorially debase yourself on the world stage

The secretary of state of the United States of America is openly slopping around in a pair of too-big shoes that he has to wear because the president gave them to him. Why? Possibly as a piece of exquisite and complex satire about the size of his penis; possibly because Marco Rubio exaggerated his shoe size because he rightly assumed it would be linked to presidential speculation about the size of his penis.

According to the vice-president, JD Vance, Donald Trump gives all his best boys a particular brand of shoe, either after guessing their size or making them disclose it. “The president, he kind of leans back in his chair,” explained Vance a couple of months ago, “and he says: ‘You know, you can tell a lot about a man by his shoe size.’” Strong words, particularly from a president with such famously tiny hands. Incidentally, Vance casually dropped it into the anecdote that he wore a 13.

Anyway: Vance, Rubio, defence secretary Pete Hegseth – they all have a pair. Of shoes. I can’t comment on the other, but let’s just say they’re about as likely to have the balls to stand up to Trump as they are to bin off the greasy pole of politics and risk it all in pursuit of excellence in competitive ice dancing. Certainly they would like you to deny the evidence of your own eyes and agree that there is absolutely nothing obviously emasculating about your boss buying your shoes and you having to wear them even though they don’t fit and make you look stupid. As one White House official told the Wall Street Journal: “It’s hysterical because everybody’s afraid not to wear them.” So everybody’s a goody two-shoes.

All three guys are, of course, on barely covert manoeuvres for a future presidential run. And maybe there’s a sense among these hopeful men that if the black leather slipper fits, they will be the one to gain the Maga movement’s hand in marriage once the almost-80-year-old Trump has turned back into a pumpkin. Only instead of an ugly sister trying to jam her trotter into something far too small, we have a secretary of state trying to expand to fit a pair of far-too-big reasonably priced black Oxfords. Impossible not to think back to previous occupants of Rubio’s role – John Quincy Adams, George Marshall, George Shultz, James Baker – and not fall back on the obvious idiom. Big shoes to fill. Rubio rightly resembles a small child playing dress-up with something he found in Daddy’s wardrobe.

And regime-wise, it’s aesthetically painful. So many of Trump’s ideological forebears at least understood the importance of good gentleman’s outfitting. But it does all point to that peculiarly distinctive mix of vanity and indignity required in a Trump henchman. You must take an excruciatingly obnoxious sort of pride in yourself, at the same time as submitting utterly to his regular humiliations.

Take Hegseth. Even that surname feels as though it might be a doubled-down-on slip of the tongue, like he’s actually called Hesgeth but once said it wrong, refused to admit it and ever since then has just been butching it out. The defence secretary has certainly cultivated a similarly unapologetic yet absurd look: suits straining to cover his tattoos and hair like one of the latex president masks the surfers in Point Break wear to rob banks. And, naturally, The Shoes. Alas, though, Pete’s machismo is in fact incredibly vulnerable. This week, Hegseth became so incensed by “unflattering” photos of him taken in the Pentagon briefing room that he has banned press photographers from taking pictures in that space. The only images available will now come from official Pentagon photographers, all of whom will presumably be ordered never to capture shots of his feet. Meanwhile it is thanks to shoe-leather journalism, particularly by the New York Times, that we know the US has been found responsible for the Tomahawk missile strike on an elementary school in Iran on the first day of fighting. So what of shoe-leather defence secretarying? In the Trump era, that demands lacking both the decency and honour to admit this devastatingly atrocious mistake.

Somehow, though, in this tale of three henchmen, the one on the least sure footing is Vance. All of us have had to grow accustomed to reading the Trump administration simply by vibes. And following his clearly lukewarm support for the war on Iran – as you might expect for someone who made no more “stupid wars” his pitch – how would you define the current vibe around Vance? There is a distinct feeling, isn’t there, that he is nothing but a spare part in this war, even frozen out of his role as chief shitposter now the White House social accounts are taking care of embarrassing war memes. Some even sense that Vance might well be headed sooner rather than later into what Anthony Scaramucci calls the woodchipper – the inevitable destination of all Trump henchmen, in the end.

In fact, the war and his non-role in it have exposed both Vance’s limits as an operator, and the places his previous positions have boxed him into when all he really has is form for bending himself to whoever he perceives the most valuable elite to be at any given time. Vance has always managed up and not down. He’s not the little guy’s guy – he’s the big guy’s guy. He is, ultimately, a creature of the boss that buys his footwear. So maybe he does wear size 13s – but all things considered, they’re starting to look like dead men’s shoes.

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‘He is riding his luck’: Robin Uthappa’s big comment on Vaibhav Sooryavanshi ahead of IPL 2026 | Cricket News - The Times of India

Vaibhav Sooryavanshi, after a stellar IPL debut, faces heightened expectations and increased scrutiny in his second season. Former India cricketer Robin Uthappa suggests this year will be a crucial learning phase as opponents have analyzed his game. While expecting him to score, Uthappa believes the element of surprise has faded, making this season pivotal for his long-term development.

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If oil price shocks weren’t bad enough, Trump’s war could have other unintended consequences

China consumes around 90% of Iran’s oil exports, so could be forced to rely on alternative suppliers – particularly Russia

With the US-Israeli war against Iran in its second week, energy markets are in turmoil. On Thursday, the price of Brent Crude Oil topped $100, only slightly lower than the $119 peak per barrel on Monday.

These swings have focused attention on key energy choke points such as the strait of Hormuz, where about one-fifth of the world’s shipped oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) passes each day. This shutdown of the strait will be felt in people’s everyday lives for months to come, particularly in the form of spiraling household bills. But oil prices alone do not capture the full economic significance of the conflict.

To understand its wider implications, we need to look at the major changes that have reshaped energy markets over the past two decades, and the central role the Gulf now plays within them. An unexpected consequence of this war is that the US’s two biggest enemies, China and Russia, could well be drawn closer together.

The first of these changes is the dramatic pivot in the world oil trade that has accompanied China’s rapid industrial and manufacturing growth. For most of the modern oil era, Gulf crude flowed primarily west, supplying the United States and Europe. Today, the center of gravity of that trade has shifted decisively towards Asia. China alone now accounts for roughly one-quarter of global oil imports, most of which comes from the Gulf states. China now consumes about 90% of Iran’s crude oil exports, much of it routed through Malaysia to avoid sanctions.

These changes help explain why the current war carries such significant economic and geopolitical implications. As the centre of gravity of the oil trade has shifted east, the choke point that once loomed large in western strategic thinking now sits equally at the heart of Asia’s economic security. For China, in particular, conflict in the Gulf and the vulnerability of transit routes such as the strait of Hormuz pose a major risk to its energy supplies. By contrast, other geopolitical shocks have been easier for Beijing to absorb (Venezuelan oil, for example, accounts for less than 5% of China’s seaborne crude imports, making recent disruptions there relatively manageable). In the short term, Beijing can cushion the impact by drawing on its strategic petroleum reserves, estimated at roughly 1.1bn–1.4bn barrels. If the disruption persists, however, China is likely to deepen its reliance on alternative suppliers, particularly Russia, reinforcing the growing energy partnership between the two countries.

The surge in trade with Asia has also pushed the Gulf’s national oil companies into the forefront of the global oil and gas industry, with reserves, production and export levels that have overtaken their western rivals. Saudi Arabia’s Aramco, for example, is now by far the largest oil exporter in the world.

In recent years, companies such as Aramco have diversified beyond the “upstream” of the industry, extracting and selling crude oil, into “downstream” activities that turn crude oil and gas into refined products such as plastics, petrochemicals and fertilisers. As a result, the Gulf is now a major supplier of industrial commodities embedded in global manufacturing and agriculture.

One consequence of this shift is that the Gulf is increasingly connected to the global food economy. Large volumes of fertiliser inputs move through the strait of Hormuz, including more than a third of internationally traded urea and nearly half of global sulphur exports used in phosphate fertilisers. Urea is the most common nitrogen fertiliser, and is essential to about half of global crop production. As shipments from the region falter, fertiliser prices have already begun to rise sharply. If disruptions persist during the current planting season in the northern hemisphere, farmers will face higher costs for essential inputs, pressures that will eventually filter through to food prices around the world.

History suggests that such shocks rarely fall evenly. From the 2008 financial crash to the food and energy crises that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, global disruptions tend to hit the most vulnerable societies hardest. Rising energy and fertiliser costs cascade through transport, manufacturing and food systems, with poorer households and more fragile economies bearing the greatest burden. Countries in the global south that depend heavily on imported fuel, fertilisers and food are especially exposed, as higher energy and commodity prices quickly translate into rising food costs and mounting balance-of-payments pressures – and potentially hunger and famine. The result is often to deepen existing inequalities both within countries and across the global economy.

Beyond these uneven effects, the war exposes a crucial fact about the structure of the global energy system. Despite decades of discussion about energy transitions, global production and trade remain heavily dependent on oil and gas. A few years ago, Saudi Arabia’s energy minister declared that “every molecule of hydrocarbon will come out”. The implications of an energy system still anchored in fossil fuels are now made stark. The Gulf sits at the centre of that system, not only as a supplier of crude but also as a hub for refining, petrochemical and fertiliser industries that sustain global manufacturing and agriculture. The war highlights the danger of continued dependence on fossil fuels – and why transitioning away from them is now more vital than ever.

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Whenever that moment occurs, that moment when I realize I am dreaming and so take control over the dream, the first thing I think is often: “If that’s so, I want to fly!”, and so I face upwards, and with a little effort I lift up into the air without physical aid, then go around exploring the dreamscape. Bro, you have no idea how incredible that feels, it’s liberating, sublime even.

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Gautam Gambhir explains his serious dugout look after Dhoni’s viral comment: ‘Even if you want to laugh …’: | Cricket News - The Times of India

Gautam Gambhir finally addressed his serious dugout expressions, explaining the immense pressure of representing India in major tournaments leaves little room for smiles, even after victory. Responding to MS Dhoni’s playful message, Gambhir highlighted the high stakes and expectations, noting that in India, losing is often seen as unacceptable, despite being a part of sports.

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The war on Iran is already upending the Middle East.
Look to the Gulf states to see how

Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE are finding their carefully projected image of stability has been blown away

There is a tendency to think of the Gulf powers as static and unchanging. They are, after all, fortified by massive wealth and absolute monarchical rule, and secured with deep economic and military relationships with the US. The past week of US and Israeli airstrikes on Iran, and Iran’s retaliations, have brought into focus what these countries export (oil and gas) and what they import (tax avoiders and labour). But beyond thinking about energy-supply challenges to the global economy and engaging in the cheap and popular sport of smirking at influencers in war zones, we must remember that the current conflagration will have profound consequences for the entire region. This is not just about the US, Israel and Iran; it is about a complex, overlapping political order in the Middle East that is much more fragile than it looks.

Amid all the ways the region has been changing over the past few years, the low-key evolution of three Gulf countries in particular has been the most significant. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates have been rapidly making changes, the effects of which have been felt from Libya to Palestine. The 7 October attacks, which arguably set off the chain of events that led to this moment, were partly inspired by Hamas’s desire to stop the normalisation process that Saudi Arabia was undertaking with Israel; this was following the UAE and others signing the 2020 Abraham accords with Israel. The three countries have been pursuing in different ways, often at odds with each other, ambitious global and regional agendas. And they are also much more unsteady than their decades-long familial rule suggests.

Saudi Arabia has been liberalising domestically, upending years of social and religious convention. Only a few years ago, the kingdom was threatened with “pariah” status by Joe Biden after the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, while its bombing campaign in Yemen drew calls for arms boycotts. Since then, Mohammed bin Salman has turned the country into a place of outdoor raves, fashion shows and high-profile sporting events. The country that once derived its status from Sunni religious primacy – as the seat of the holiest site in Islam, Mecca – is trying to catch up with Qatar and the UAE, which have invested heavily in turning their countries into influential hubs of finance, consumption and entertainment.

The pivot that all three have made relies heavily on attracting international footfall. This, in turn, relies on the absence of war – Gulf powers have in effect tried to neuter geopolitics as much as possible to underwrite the stability required to make their countries centres of global traffic. Not provoking Iran, not antagonising Israel and keeping the US close as a security guarantor. In the space of little more than a week – with a fresh wave of Iranian missile and drone attacks hitting the UAE and Saudi Arabia on Sunday – this model has been disrupted.

Over the past decade, the UAE has been engaged in intense and bloody empire-building projects, funding proxy groups and wars in Yemen, Libya and Sudan as a way of securing strategic influence and gold assets. The path that it has taken has only in the past few months put it in conflict with its ally Saudi Arabia over the advance of UAE-backed forces in Yemen. In its process of normalisation with Israel, it has pursued a dogged path as the only significant Gulf power to sign the Abraham accords, and in doing so has signalled that it has no time for articles of faith like demands for Palestinian statehood. It is a transactional state that has energetically embraced the new world order of the supremacy of might and money, and has none of the religious or cultural baggage of Saudi Arabia.

In the middle lies Qatar, a country walking the thinnest of lines. In 2017, the UAE and Saudi Arabia physically blockaded it and continued to do so for several years; since then, it has been balancing support for the Palestinian cause, through hosting Hamas officials and sending aid to Gaza, with having the largest US military base in the region and cooperating with Iran over the gasfields they share in the Persian Gulf. All these countries are at political inflection points, nursing sharp competitions between them. The closing of their airspaces, halting of liquefied natural gas production and potentially all oil production, the shattering of the peace, the fear and flames and booms and fallout of drones, missiles and interceptors, are not things that can be simply sat through until the campaign subsides. Even though there is no active military action on the part of these states, they are also at war.

Much of the cost can be absorbed by sovereign wealth. But what is harder to resolve is the state of insecurity that the Gulf now exists in. First, there is the question of duration. How many more days, weeks or even months, who knows, can the Gulf sustain the fallout of war when even its supply of drinking water – largely generated by energy-intensive desalination plants – could be at risk? Second, there is the matter of how much this war has made clear that these Gulf states have become, actively or passively, recruited to Israel and the US’s agenda to seek dominion over the Middle East. The longer this continues, the harder it becomes for their leaders to maintain the notion of sovereignty to project a sense of control and agency.

We are squarely in the zone of all sorts of unintended consequences. Economic shocks could intensify the UAE’s drive to fuel war in African countries to secure raw materials for itself. There is a risk of a dramatic falling out between Gulf powers over how far they can underwrite US-Israeli ambitions to their own cost. And there is the threat of spillover from an unravelling in Iran on their doorsteps. What is afoot is a colossal haemorrhaging of much of the political and economic capital that the Gulf has been accumulating.

Yes, there will be global economic consequences – but these countries are not just energy providers. You don’t have to sympathise with their political arrangements to understand the basic fact that these are places with human populations that cannot just be reduced to a caricature of lucky custodians of energy supply, bribing the greedy and the gullible to their lands. “Always,” Edward Said wrote, “there lurks the assumption that although the western consumer belongs to a numerical minority, he is entitled either to own or to expend (or both) the majority of the world’s resources. Why? Because he, unlike the Oriental, is a true human being.”

So much of the US’s and Israel’s approach to the Middle East has been based on this notion, that those who populate and govern it – even their allies – are not true human beings. Once the war ends, and Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu move on to their next calamity, what will emerge is a redrawn map of the region, with new resentments, competitions and security ramifications that the people who live there will have to deal with for generations to come.

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I know you’re going to hate me for this…. But… this poster I “made” for the show looks so good!

I would watch this if it was real

Aliko Dangote : Comment Il a Bâti le Plus Grand Empire Industriel d’Afrique

Quand on parle d’industrialisation africaine, un nom domine le paysage : Aliko Dangote. Fondateur de Dangote Group, il a construit le plus grand conglomérat industriel du continent, opérant dans le ciment, le sucre, la farine et le pétrole.

Son parcours est une leçon stratégique majeure pour tout entrepreneur africain ambitieux.

1. Miser sur les besoins fondamentaux

Dangote ne s’est pas lancé…

Aliko Dangote : Comment Il a Bâti le Plus Grand Empire Industriel d’Afrique

Warren Buffett : La Méthode d’Investissement Qui A Bâti l’Un des Plus Grands Empires Financiers du Monde

À l’opposé du profil “startup explosive”, Warren Buffett incarne la discipline et la patience. À la tête de Berkshire Hathaway, il est considéré comme l’un des plus grands investisseurs de tous les temps.

Voici les piliers de sa méthode.

1. Investir dans ce que l’on comprend

Buffett évite les secteurs qu’il ne maîtrise pas.

2. Chercher un avantage concurrentiel durable

CLASSEMENT…

Warren Buffett : La Méthode d’Investissement Qui A Bâti l’Un des Plus Grands Empires Financiers du Monde

Hi anon! That’s okay, if some people prefer to answer based on the name, then it’s still a valid opinion ^u^ I think many people answer based on the colour itself, though, because even if a colour has a nice name, if they hate the colour itself, they’ll probably still vote for a compromising answer somewhere in the middle so it balances it out :-)

Eddie Hearn Explains Comment About Cleaning Turki’s Shoes

“If you asked me to clean your shoes, I’ll clean your shoes,” Hearn said to The Stomping Ground. “But what the reference was basically me saying I’m not too proud to know my position and to know the opportunities that’s being presented to me.”
Saudi Arabia has funded a series of major boxing events over the last two years, bringing together several championship fights that had stalled in…

Eddie Hearn Explains Comment About Cleaning Turki’s Shoes

I think I might’ve chosen possibly the worst site to post things on because I love love love getting comments on things and Tumblr users seem to think that commenting is evil and shouldn’t be done

Not a comment being the most famous thing of me on tumbrl